Plantation Owner Bull Whips the Minds of his Black Workers

Submitted by Nathan ‘Jolly’ Green

Over the last twelve months, I put together a collection of schemes and projects that could have assisted and perhaps even been the future saviour of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. I put them to a member of the NDP and asked him not to use them before being elected because Gonsalves would adopt them himself to get re-elected.

1/ Crime: A scheme that would guarantee between 25 and 50% reduction in crime.

2/ Agriculture: A major US agricultural corporation ready to invest knowhow and infrastructure in SVG and put every Vincentian farmer back to work and back into the upper-middle-income class.

3/ Industrial: A light engineering assembly plant with jobs approaching 1500, some for intellectuals in the R&D department.

4/ Infrastructure: A previously pre-proven type scheme to protect the Grenadine Islands from water inundation by climate warming and to immediately recover and save Salt Whistle Bay.

All these schemes will now be scrapped because SVG has proven to me they are incapable of controlling, introducing, and mastering such projects by the very fact that they have re-elected the ULP for a further term of five years. Such action will put them in line to follow Venezuela down the road to treachery and bankruptcy. I had already warned and demonstrated to the investing corporations that their investments would be at risk if the leadership of the previous twenty years were re-elected. None of them will now come because they cannot risk their shareholder’s investment.

This morning I wrote to all the players in my saving SVG scheme, they have all agreed not to come to SVG or invest here due to this communist-style ULP government being re-elected.

I had wrongly believed that the Vincentian people could not be bought this time around.

But that was a grave mistake on my part. The pre-election bribery was in full force again as it has been during all the previous four elections. Lumber, galvanise, and cement was distributed to Labour supporters. Little envelopes with $50 or/and $100 passed around the villages. A red T shirt with a $500 note inside. A man caught having voted in a constituency illegally. Talk of a ballot box discovered when delivered containing pre-filled ballot papers, which means that type of fraud probably went undetected all over the island again.

To sum it all up, the Vincentian people who will suffer the most will be the ULP supporters because they are among the poorest of the State. How they could vote ULP when they and their family are hungry, malnourished and without a job, I cannot even start to square in my own mind. But we all know the saying, you get what you wish for, and perhaps deserve.

Not entirely true because the NDP supporters wished for change and deserve better, but over the next five years they like the ULP supporters will experience much worse conditions.

You cannot run a country how SVG has been run for the last twenty years and survive unless of course, Vincentians get wages like what Cubans and Venezuelans get. Some Cuban wages are about EC$60 a week, and in the lower jobs, they get that a month. Venezuelans are 90% unemployed, and those working get about the same as the Cubans, perhaps a little less. But even that is a sign of failure; many Vincentians will not even survive the fall and downdraft of the downward spiral during the next five years.

It is a shame that there are so many easily bought ignorant backward people in Saint Vincent, but those of that category will most certainly suffer the most. This class of person is more likely to rob and be robbed, kill, and be killed, murder and be murdered, rape and be raped, and spend many years incarcerated. All of that will get many times worse, violent crime is out of control. The ULP created poor people will suffer most, such a crying shame.

The NDP supporters are generally business owners, and most others have jobs. I hope they can survive another five years, but unfortunately some will fall into the pit of hell that ULP supporters just dug for the Nation when they re-elected the ULP.

Will Saint Vincent be recoverable after this coming next five years? Perhaps, but I doubt it, SVG will more likely become a total shithole country as the comrade has described some other countries. Or worse than that it may become a mirror image of Venezuela.

I will not be around for the next elections, so I will not be putting any effort into bringing projects to SVG again. My time for helping has now passed.

I cannot accept politicians with dirty hands right up to the elbows, so those of you who do not care about that, bad luck Karma will pre-empt your every move during the next five years.

Bad Luck to those who deserve it, and goodbye to all others.

2 comments

  • “I had wrongly believed that the Vincentian people could not be bought this time around.”

    mental slavery is very serious condition, even harder to escape than chattel slavery, which you can run from, but running away from your own imprisoned mind is near impossible when indoctrination starts from before you go to school, and particularly when your whole existence is weaponized to keep you thus trapped in a degraded and reduced state by the unscrupulous, vicious, small minded, low class people you elect.to parliament, who are also chronic liars.

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  • Five-star general(2) By Peter Wickham

    The outcome of the 2020 St Vincent and the Grenadines election has created history, the nature of which was discussed in part one of this article and the conversation can therefore proceed to an analysis of the outcome, with particular attention to the impact of COVID-19.
    The first graphic presents the key details of the election with the first demonstrating that the 67 per cent electoral turnout was a -9 per cent decrease on the 2015 participation.
    This observation is important as the apparently low turnout is not historic since the turnout in 2005 and 2010 was roughly 63 per cent, while turnout increased in 2015 to 73 per cent.
    Those fluctuations deserve a separate analysis; however, this turnout impact appears to be attributable to COVID-19.
    This impact was previously analysed in the cases of Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago and St Kitts and Nevis, which were 51 per cent on average with a reduction of -18 per cent leading to the conclusion that the impact in the case of St Vincent and the Grenadines was less profound than the others. This reduced impact on turnout could be related to several factors. One possibility is that the
    case count in Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago was considerably higher than St Vincent and the Grenadines (the case of St Kitts and Nevis was explained previously). Another factor is that COVID returned large numbers of Vincentians to the country and they were able to participate and this mitigated the decrease elsewhere.
    Highly disorderly
    The interesting observation about the reduced turnout in St Vincent and the Grenadines is that it was highly disorderly, suggesting that constituencies participated differently. In Central Leeward the turnout increased by 30 per cent with more than 1000 (more) voters there participating, while in South Windward the turnout decreased by -4.1 per cent or close to 200 fewer voters. This inconsistency in terms of participation is further complicated by the fact that some constituencies grew by as much as six per cent while others lost -9 per cent of their registered voters.
    As has been noted in previous articles on this issue, the reduced or increased turnout can have varying impacts on incumbents; however, in this era it appears that voters who were more likely to vote, did so in favour of opponents who appeared to have a real chance of winning, while incumbents in stronger seats haemorrhaged support badly. The result is that all but one of the ULP’s seats are now under 55 per cent
    support and are therefore marginal, compared to the 2015 outcome which was comparatively more comfortable for the ULP.
    The overall swing was away from the ULP (-3 per cent) and towards the NDP (3 per cent); however, this was unevenly distributed across the islands. The ULP’s most significant improvement was in Central Leeward (two per cent), while North Leeward was the only other place the ULP improved (0.01 per cent); however, in all other instances, the NDP improved its performance by levels that were just shy of double digits. This 2020 performance reverses the gains in popular support of the 2015 election (0.9 per cent).
    Apart from the foregoing general observations, the most significant outcome of the 2020 election is the fact that the government is now unpopular, as was the case in 1998 when a similar scenario truncated the NDPs term in office. There are several factors that distinguish the two elections and will no doubt impact on the reactions thereto going forward; however, the existence of a government that has failed to gain popular support is a rarity in Caribbean politics and therefore has to be discussed.
    The second chart presents the current scenario in terms of popular support compared to that of 1998 and helps to illuminate some differences. These are effectively about the extent of the gap between the government and opposition in terms of popular support and the distribution of this support according to the mainland, with 93 per
    cent of the voting population and the Grenadines with seven per cent. In the former regard (1998) there was a disparity of five percentage points (4 767 voters) between the support for the two parties, while the 2020 scenario is one of a 0.7 per cent difference which amounts to 476 votes. In addition, the 1998, scenario was one where the NDP government was unpopular among 93 per cent of the population but overwhelmingly popular among seven per cent. Currently, the situation is reversed where the ULP government is popular among 93 per cent but exceedingly unpopular among secen per cent.
    These distinctions are not insignificant and can be contemplated in the government’s defence. However, there is an additional point of greater significance that needs to be considered. This is the fact that in the 20 years between 1998 and 2020, neither the ULP nor the NDP has been able to significantly alter the party support disparity between the mainland and the islands. The ULP’s five per cent loss of support on the mainland in 20 years is not unreasonable, however, as a government in office for two decades it should have been able to compensate with a similar level of support growth in the Grenadines and not the two per cent that has been achieved. If the argument were reversed, then it could be said
    that a party with in excess of 70 per cent support in the Grenadines should in 20 years have been able to grow its support on the mainland and this inability also speaks volumes.

    Peter W. Wickham is a political consultant and a director of Caribbean Development Research Services (CADRES).

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